Поздравляю Вас, дорогой Куперман, - кажется, Вы начинаете осознавать всю условность и относительность шизофренической зохарической «расовой» пропаганды синагоги сатаны. Действительно, суть проблемы как раз и заключается в определении критериев «расовой чистоты» - того, что можно было бы принять за «образец», с чем можно было бы сравнивать всех остальных.

Зарождавшиеся в XVIII столетии европейская расология и этнография столкнулись с этой проблемой с самого начала. Всем здравомыслящим людям было ясно, что принять за семитский образец контрафактных «евреев» было невозможно. Слишком уж очевиден был интернациональный, расово смесительный характер инфернального сообщества. А между тем, многим очень хотелось выяснить, присутствует ли в нем (и в какой степени) семитская составляющая.

За неимением ничего лучшего, за такой образец «семитской расы» этнографами были приняты арабы-пустынники, то есть, бедуины. Эти кочевники издревле жили сравнительно изолированными племенными анклавами и поэтому на протяжении веков соблюдали относительную этническую гомогенность. Вот несколько выразительных «эталонных» семитских портретов из 2-томной монографии Генри Хатчинсона, Джона Грегори и Ричарда Лидеккера «The Living Races of Mankind» (London, 1900).

Бедуины XIX-го столетия

Вот это и есть настоящие семиты, дорогой Куперман, – это и есть научный эталон семитской (ориентальной) расы. Именно с этими портретами нам и приходится сравнивать интернациональный облик видных израильских представителей синагоги сатаны - Биби и Сары Нетаньяху.

Биби и Сара

Результат такого сравнения более чем очевиден, и он был сформулирован мною выше: Биби и Сара к семитам никакого отношения не имеют. И не только они. Тот (псевдо)расовый негативный стереотип («бей жида-политрука, рожа просит кирпича»), который сложился у европейских народов на основании многовекового общения с наиболее яркими представителями интернационала сатаны, - не имеет ничего общего с семитской расой.

Подавляющее большинство современных контрафактных «евреев» никоим образом не могут быть отнесены к числу семитов (при всей условности этого термина).

«Инония» - это образец есенинского творчества конца 1917 – начала 1918 года. Амбициозная, но слабая поэма, всего лишь беспомощное подражание В. Маяковскому, и И.А. Бунин совершенно справедливо (хотя и с некоторым запозданием) написал в 1925 году об этих виршах так:

Только так их и можно воспринимать.

Не приходится сомневаться в том, что Сергей Александрович был в то время 100%-ным прислужником мистиков талмуда и каббалы, он оказался полностью введен в заблуждение мессианской интригой «первой мировой войны», «революционной романтикой» и «гендерно-пролетарской» пропагандой синагоги сатаны. Иначе бы он не стал одним из любимцев Лейбы Т(а)роцкого.

Так ведь ему было в то время всего 22 года, жизненного опыта и знаний об интернационале у него не было никаких. Он и понятия не имел о том, с кем и с чем связался. И при всех своих пророческих амбициях в это же самое время Есенин так писал о самом себе:

Александр Блок был чуть ли не вдвое старше и опытнее С. Есенина, а все равно поддался общему помутнению рассудка и отметился известными опорочившими его перед потомками революционными стишками, почти столь же глупыми и кощунственными, как «Инония». И при этом сам считал их «гениальными». Увы, очень скоро и тому, и другому пришлось протрезветь, вернуться к здравому восприятию реальности. И оба, оставшись без иллюзий, словно «без кожи», не сумели пережить свое прозрение.

Окончательно С. Есенин осознал весь ужас трагедии, произошедшей с Россией и с ним самим после совместной с И. Дункан поездки в Европу и США в 1922-23 г. Вот, что он писал с парохода, на обратном пути из Америки во Францию, своему старому приятелю Александру Борисовичу Кусикяну (Кусикову):

Близкий друг Есенина поэт Владимир Степанович Чернявский так вспоминал беседы с ним в Ленинграде в апреле 1924 г.:

Перед нами не просто личная драма Сергея Есенина, а трагедия целого народа, разом лишенного всех исторических основ своего существования: «они ничего, ничего не оставили». И сегодня, спустя сто лет, приходится с горечью констатировать, что самым страшным в этой трагедии оказалось то, что она практически никого ничему не научила. Никого - ни ходячих, осуществленных талмудов, ни масонов, ни дрессированных големов. А русских просто полностью истребили.

Еще одна превосходная книга Бориса Бразоля - "The World at the Cross Roads" - вышла в 1921 году в Лондоне. Это очень высококвалифицированный очерк истории подготовки и реализации захвата власти в России интернационалом сатаны, а также истории предательства России со стороны ее союзников по Антанте. Трудно даже подобрать какие-то отдельные цитаты из этого труда - настолько все органично увязано в единое и цельное повествование. В тексте данной книги также можно встретить множество смысловых пересечений с Манифестом русских поэтов.

В 1922 году Евгений Львович Бразоль (старший брат Бориса Львовича), находившийся в эмиграции в Югославии, подготовил русский перевод книги, который был опубликован под названием "Мир на перепутье", с подзаголовком: "Выяснение работы темных сил в среде народов и выявление их политики. Новое освещение III Интернационала и других причин мирового кризиса."

К сожалению, электронной версии этого перевода мне в сети обнаружить не удалось. Если кому-то из наших читателей повезет, прошу поделиться с нами этим текстом. Пока мне придется ограничиться выдержками из английского оригинала.

*******

Ллойд Джордж, Жорж Клемансо и Вудро Вильсон в 1919 г., три предателя России в Версале

***

Напротив, дорогой Куперман, Манифест А. Ганина и книги Б. Бразоля - это прекрасный повод для того, чтобы еще раз осудить ультрафашистский вавилонский талмуд и некромантическую лурианскую каббалу. Более того, любое политическое событие, любое социальное, научное, спортивное или культурное мероприятие должно сегодня становиться предлогом и поводом для самого решительного осуждения информационной базы синагоги сатаны. И для требований ее немедленного изъятия и захоронения под чернобыльским саркофагом.

Еще раз должен Вам напомнить: в России есть только две проблемы - не "дураки и дороги", а талмуд и каббала.

А вот "лубянских палачей" неправильно было бы осуждать всех без разбора, единым скопом. Среди них было немало безвестных героев, ежедневно рисковавших своей жизнью - на самом деле, больше, чем жизнью, рисковавшими быть подвергнутыми невероятным, нечеловеческим пыткам, изобретенным "ходячими, осуществленными талмудами" для издевательства над своими политическими противниками и простыми русскими людьми - ради того, чтобы хотя бы немного очистить нашу планету от врагов рода человеческого. Среди них было немало таких же обманутых, вовлеченных в преступления интернационала людей. Таким же точно образом обманутых, как Сергей Есенин и Алексей Ганин.

Я специально перевел несколько глав из книги Иосифа Ландовского "Sinfonía en Rojo Mayor", чтобы у наших читателей было представление о подвиге, совершенном этими людьми.

http://wpc2.narod.ru/00/sinfonia_en_rojo_mayor.pdf

Однако вернемся к страницам замечательного научного исследования Бориса Львовича Бразоля "The World at the Cross Roads", 1921 ("Мир на перепутье"). Об этом научном и литературном подвиге нашего соотечественника мы тоже обязаны помнить.

***

248

The scheme for the partition of Russia was but one feature of the Entente policy towards a former Ally. Shameful as this scheme was, it proved to be only half of the crime committed against the Russian people by the Peace Conference. Although the parts carved out of Russia might have been easily restored to Russia in the future, either by diplomatic deliberations or by armed force, the second phase of the policy adopted at Paris towards Russia proved to be irreparable and fatal.

The allied support of Bolshevism affected not only the body but also the soul of the Russian people. There was but one alternative for the diplomats at Paris with regard to Bolshevism in Russia. The disgraceful role of Lenin and Trotzky ought to have been either sanctioned by the Peace Conference or fought with all the might which the Allies possessed at that time. There was no third solution, and in the nature of the case there could have been none. There was every reason why the Allies should not recognize the Bolsheviki.

In the first place, it was proven that Lenin was hired for his dirty job by Germany, and Germany was an enemy of the Entente.

Second, in violation of all agreements between allied countries and Russia, the Bolsheviki concluded a separate peace with Germany which must have been interpreted by the Allies as an inimical act against the Entente.

Third, because the Allies made it their profession to promote democracy all over the world, they were in duty bound to denounce the Bolsheviki, who, at the point of the bayonet, prevented the meeting of the Constituent Assembly which was about to convene in Petrograd. If a popular vote meant anything to the Entente politicians, they must have taken into account that the vast majority of the members composing the Constituent Assembly were anti-Bolshevists.

Last but not least, men who were babbling about peace, justice, universal brotherhood and democracy should have been horrified by the ugly, cruel, bloody and despotic rule of Trotzky and his Jewish lieutenants. The sight of a sea of blood should have disturbed the delicate nervous apparatus of those gentlemen who in other respects proved so sentimental and sensitive.

On the other hand, there was not one reason, not the slightest justification, why the Allies should recognize the Bolsheviki. Therefore, it was the duty of the victorious Entente, before attempting to settle any other problem, to get rid, once and forever, of Bolshevism, which was just as big a menace to Russia as it was, and still remains, a menace to the rest of the world.

In 1917 there was but one method of dealing with the Soviets, that was military intervention carried out on an adequate scale. The Polish-Bolshevist war gave irrefutable proof that even in the Fall of 1920, when the military power of the Bolsheviki was at a climax, an organized military campaign could have been effectively applied in order to overcome Bolshevist resistance.

Five allied army corps, supported by the Russian people at large, would have been sufficient in 1918 to exterminate the Bolshevist plague within the borders of the Russian Empire. Is it not an axiom that brutal force can be met by force only and that humanitarian phrases will not induce the Bolsheviki to give up their system based upon blood, iron, espionage and terror?

250

The policy of fostering Bolshevism was started seven months before the armistice when President Wilson dispatched his notorious cable of greetings to the Congress of the Soviets which was convened at Moscow for the ratification of the Brest-Litovsk Treaty. This document is worth quoting in full:

In line with this amazing greeting to the murderers of the Russian people was another cable dispatched by Mr. Samuel Gompers to the All-Russian Soviet at Moscow. Mr. Gompers went a step further when he suggested in his cable that the Soviets advise him as to their needs :
"We desire to be informed as to how we may help."
and the cable terminates with the classic :

It may be wondered if the word "suggestions" was not by mistake used in place of the word "instructions."

A noisy agitation was carried on in the United States by the Jews, urging Mr. Wilson to recognize the rule of Lenin and Trotzky, demanding from him that he should become world leader of the Internationale. Thus, Rabbi Judas Magnes, addressing the National Radical Conference in April, 1918, declared :

Citing what he called President Wilson's "beautiful tribute" to the Bolshevist movement in Russia, he said he was in a position to state with absolute assurance that the President was prepared to accept and enunciate once more, and even more definitely than before, the principle of peace, "immediate peace without victory”.

This is a remarkable statement revealing the inside story of a sinister movement in which the Jews of the world and Mr. Wilson have become partners. Indeed, the allied blunders committed against Russia have a peculiar history of their own.

The Peace Conference was dominated by Mr. Wilson, and it was natural to expect that with his singular obstinacy he would try to enforce his resolve to stand by Lenin and Trotzky to a logical end.

Paris was overrun with a faceless mob of mediocre politicians all of whom were attentively listened to first by the "Big Ten," then by the "Big Four" and ultimately, after Signor Orlando's departure, by the "Big Three." Hours and hours were spent with the Liberians, Haitians, Georgians, Letts, Armenians and Jews. Earnest endeavors were made to penetrate the very heart of their little quarrels and intrigues. But Mr. Wilson proved "too busy" to grant thirty minutes of his precious time for an interview with Grand Duke Alexander while the other "Bigs" systematically refused to deal with any of the Russian representatives.

The most surprising thing was that the particular Russians who came to Paris all belonged to the type which was so admired by both Mr. Lloyd George and Mr. Wilson. Prince Lvov was there; Tchaikovsky was there; Maklakoff was there ; Boris Savinkov one of the assassins of Grand Duke Serge - was also there in worthy companionship with the rest of his revolutionary colleagues. In other words, all those who helped to foster the revolutionary intrigue in Russia, who had their revolutionary pedigrees in order, and who, therefore, so it would seem, were precisely the men to deal with.

Of course, Mr. Sazonov, who had more brains than all these cadet politicians combined, had a grave sin in his past, as he was Minister of Foreign Affairs under the old regime; but even he, since the revolution, acquired a pinkish shade and, therefore, there was really no reason for Mr. Wilson or any other of the Entente managers to isolate themselves from him.

But so strong was the determination to uphold Bolshevism that instead of dispatching a powerful expeditionary force to Russia, the Allies adopted a twofold policy : on the one hand, they were sending insignificant contingents of their troops to different Russian ports, while, on the other hand, they brought up one project after another with the view of reaching a friendly understanding with the Soviets.

The so-called military intervention of the Allies was managed so incompetently that it could not help but irritate the Russian people not only against the Allies but also against the very idea of anti-Bolshevism. The population of the coast regions, held by the allied troops, was under constant fear that the Allies would suddenly withdraw their weak contingents, leaving the people at the mercy of the Red Guards. It was feared that then the terrible vengeance would come, and that there would be no one to protect them. The Archangel and Murmansk expeditions proved that such fears were neither unfounded nor exaggerated.

En route to Archangel, a group of 339th Infantry Regiment doughboys pose with their newly issued M1891 Mosin-Nagant rifles.

At the same time the allied prickles to the body of Soviet Russia encouraged the Bolsheviki to accelerate their work for building up a powerful Red army. While the Allies were sending to Russia a few battalions, Trotzky was feverishly engaged in organizing a monstrous weapon of destruction by forcing into the ranks of the Red army hundreds of thousands of innocent Russians. The "allied invasion" was used as a pretext and the masters of the "Internationale" did not miss any opportunity to foment nationalistic sentiment among the Russian masses. It was at that time that they issued their notorious appeal which was distributed among the Russian people in scores of thousands of copies :

It was a deliberate scheme on the part of the Allies to strengthen Bolshevism within the borders of the former Russian Empire. Any strategist would have anticipated that the childish expeditions to Russia would not have resulted in anything but a dismal failure and that they would serve to encourage Red militarism and imperialism.

262

Indeed, everything has been done by Entente plenipotentiaries to insure the safety of the Soviet regime for many years to come, to achieve the dismemberment of Russia, to assure the Balkanization of Europe, and thus to complete the Bolshevization of the world.

***

Почти верно, дорогой Куперман, - мы смотрим на гуманитарные науки сквозь призму платоновской (а не гегелевской) диалектики и аристотелевской логики, а также используем наш собственный метод исследования, который вполне уместно назвать "антисемитским" - то есть, благородно, интеллигентно семитским. Именно этот открытый нами научный метод и является единственно правильным, "естественным" (по Н. Данилевскому) для всех гуманитарных наук.

На точные науки мы продолжаем смотреть сквозь призму математики. Иногда, в исключительных случаях, мы применяем математический метод исследования и к гуманитарным дисциплинам (как, например, в случае строго математического доказательства ритуальных сплавов матчей на первенство мира по шахматам с участием Корчного, "Карпова" и "Каспарова"). Но это бывает очень редко и только в качестве дополнения к естественно-антисемитскому методу исследования.

А вот Вами, дорогой Куперман, похоже, по-прежнему движет узколобая расистская ненависть к евреям (давно уже уничтоженным синагогой сатаны) и ко всем их духовным наследникам и единомышленникам - благородным, интеллектуальным семитам.

Вернемся к бессмертной книге Бориса Бразоля.

***

263

In many respects the German policy toward Bolshevism in Russia was similar to that of the Allied Governments. In the same way that the Entente was engaged both in promoting Bolshevism and in ostensibly combating it, so also was it with the Germans who, having hired Lenin and Trotzky for the destruction of the Russian Empire, at a later period endeavored to convey the impression to the Russians that they were anxious and prepared to suppress the dreadful hydra of internationalism. However, the difference between the two policies consisted in that Germany was more efficient than the Entente both in promoting Bolshevism and in suppressing it.

267

Whether the rule of Germany or that of German agents was the more dreadful remains an undecided question in the minds of the Russian people. At that time the only alternative to the Kaiser was Trotzky. Central Russia chose Trotzky, while South Russia gave preference to the Kaiser. After all, the difference was only illusory, since both the Kaiser and Trotzky were merely tools in the hands of one and the same sinister group Judo-German finance. The same hidden hand has been pulling the strings of German militarism and international Bolshevism. After the withdrawal of the German troops from Ukrainia, the Red orgy began.

271

Of course in different parts of Russia the methods used for the enslavement of a Christian people varied substantially. It was in Petrograd, Moscow and in the other big cities that Red terror was used as the chief trump card in Bolshevist strategy. Nationalization as a general measure was extensively applied in the industrial regions, while in rural districts the system of private landownership still remains intact in spite of all Soviet endeavors to introduce agrarian communism. Food crusades became the principal weapon against the peasantry in South Russia.

As to the Red Army, which is probably the most potent machine of destruction ever recorded in
history, so far it has been chiefly directed against Russian anti-Bolshevist formations; but it is also designed to serve as a threat against the border states and for spreading communism in the outside world by sword and fire.

272

MACHINE OF DESTRUCTION

Russian national wealth, immense as it was, does not exist any longer. It will take many decades after the overthrow or collapse of Bolshevist rule to put Russia back upon her feet and make her once more a self-supporting country.

The destruction - rather the complete annihilation of Russia's economic resources – was achieved both through wholesale looting of property and as the result of the nationalization of Russian industries, commerce and the means of transportation.

273

It is a fact that during the first months after the "great" Bolshevist revolution, drunken sailors and soldiers invaded galleries and with their bayonets pierced immortal creations of Raphael and Leonardo da Vinci. Nor can it be denied that century-old ikons, which were just as much objects of worship as things of art and beauty, were wantonly destroyed by shameless Commissars and their Red Guard companions. Historical monuments, charming old estates, magnificent buildings, silent, melancholic parks and entire palaces were either destroyed or made so filthy that nothing can be done with them except to destroy them. That was the ruthless destruction of a whole culture. That was the wild reign of the mob which revolted against all manifestations of civilization, against all moral principles, against art and beauty. That was the triumph of the Beast.

286

In accordance with these aims, the Bolsheviki began a ruthless and bloody campaign against the so-called bourgeoisie* and the intellectual classes. Every man or woman who formerly belonged to the wealth-owning part of the population was declared an enemy of the new regime and was either incarcerated or murdered in cold blood. Day after day the communist press - that is to say the only press which is permitted in the happy Socialist State preached class hatred, incessantly urging the people to fight "the fat and lazy bourgeois." The physical extermination of the wealth-owning classes was considered the most urgent task of the revolution, and accordingly the slogan "Death to the bourgeoisie" became the official motto of the Soviet Government. Here is an exhibit of Red Terror propaganda, which for two years was carried on with undiminished impetus throughout the vast Empire :

289

The physical extermination of the wealth-owning classes was not the only means of bringing the Russian people under the communist yoke. An elaborate system of espionage was established by the Bolsheviki and the most dreadful practice of the medieval Inquisition was reinstated in Soviet Russia. The average citizen in that happy republic is kept under constant fear of being arrested for anything which might be qualified as “sabotage”, “counter-revolutionary activity” or “profiteering”.

A starving woman selling her last ring on the Market Plaza in Moscow is seized by the omnipresent spy of Trotzky and accused of profiteering.

A crippled army officer of the old régime, who can scarcely move around in order to procure a slice of bread for his old and starving mother, is thrown into jail for failing to join the ranks of the Red Army, and his “crime” is qualified as “sabotage” against the Proletarian State.

A peasant defending his farm against invasion by food crusaders is proclaimed guilty of counter-revolutionary activities and shot on the spot.

A man who is so weak from hunger and post-typhus exhaustion that he can scarcely sit on his bed is suspected of conspiring against the Soviet régime. He is too emaciated to be thrown into prison but he has a wife, and she is taken as a hostage and tortured by the Extraordinary Committee.

It is a continuous nightmare. The will of the people has been broken. They are afraid of everybody. They suspect everybody of being a spy of Lenin and Trotzky. Sometimes, in one family, treason creeps in. Brother betrays brother. And this atmosphere, permeated with dread, treason and suspicion, drives people insane, compels them to commit suicide, and makes life useless, intolerable and immoral in the extreme.

326

So far, the world which is on the abyss of a social catastrophe, has not awakened to the horrors of the Communist Heaven. Besides, in all countries there are large groups of soft-minded boudoir-politicians and idealistic radicals who meditate about the “Paradise Lost”, and many of them believe that it can be regained in Trotzky’s lap. And thus while they are meditating, while they are engaged in composing sweet political sonnets on universal brotherhood and the blessings of democracy, the dark shadow of International Bolshevism is slowly emerging from the depths of the Social Inferno and the time is near when it will be too late, - then the awakening will be terrible.

“The rest is silence.”

353

The British labor politicians were shocked when they came into contact with the scene of misery, destitution and putrefaction brought about by the sinister workings of the Internationale.

But they did not dare to call a spade a spade. They did not dare to come out with an open indictment of Lenin and Trotzky; instead, they adopted a weak, meaningless formula of indictment of capitalist countries, alleging that they, and not the Bolsheviki, are the cause of the ruin inflicted upon Russia. In the British Labor Report the inference is made that everybody is to be blamed for the present horrors in Soviet Russia except the Soviet authorities themselves.

The British delegates went so far as to throw on Old Russia the burden of responsibility for the appalling conditions in New Russia :

These men and women who were called upon to render their judgment on the Soviet experiment, without knowledge of Russia's past, without understanding the Russian language, with a sorrowful lack of state experience, apparently forgot that in former times Russia was a wealthy country, that with her food she fed three-fourths of entire Europe, England included, and consequently, that it was madness to attempt the annihilation of her entire economic structure.

388

A brief analysis of the outstanding political and social situation has disclosed the fact that the world is rapidly undergoing a process of general disintegration.

The World War left Russia in ruins. She was stabbed in her back by international traitors hired by the Central Powers. Now she lies in rags of misery and famine, crucified on the cross of dreadful, unspeakable sufferings. Those who betrayed the great Slav Empire, who sold it for thirty shekels at Brest-Litovsk, have become her new rulers. With cynical laughter they are defiling her dying body. The finest historical traditions, the dear reminiscences of her old glory, the sublime charm of her past, are stamped in the mud of International Bolshevism, corruption and shameless degradation.

Moscow – the very heart of Holy Russia – has become the center from which emanate germs of a world plague. The Cross, this holy symbol, is surmounted by the Five-Pointed Star. The eternal theme of world drama, Judas vs. Jesus, assumed in Russia the form of a gigantic revolt of the international Ghetto against a Christian nation which served hitherto as the great European reservoir of religious thought and moral achievements. Beyond the noisy croaking of the Soviet jargon one hears the dead silence of the cemetery. A huge dark cloud is gradually overshadowing the vanquished Empire, taking away the last rays of hope.

There is an infinite melancholy in the scene of a dying civilization, in the ruins of marble temples and desecrated gods. Life and Death are inevitable. This, perhaps, is the tragedy of both. On the ruins of Russia’s civilization, on her gravestone, sprouts of new life may spring up, and gradually new ethnic and cultural formations may arise, evolving unknown and unforeseen forms of social structure. But the loss of Russia, that Russia which has given to the world the sweet symphony of her music, the sublime beauty of Pushkin’s poetry, the philosophical depth, the genius of Tolstoi and Dostoyevsky, the loss of that Russia can never be replaced.

Many years will elapse, and generation will succeed generation, but whenever humanity will turn its thought to Russia, it will recall the shameful horrors to which she was subjected, the humiliation and ruin she has undergone and the same words taken from the epitaph on her tombstone will be repeated over and over again:

The collapse of Russia was the beginning of an immense process of general dissolution throughout the world. It could not have been otherwise.

***

Третье из блистательных исторических произведений Бориса Львовича Бразоля, с которым мне хотелось бы ознакомить наших читателей, - изданная в 1922 году в Нью-Йорке книга "The Balance Sheet of Sovietism" ("Итоги советчины").

Это еще одно поразительное по своей обнаженной и ужасающей апокалиптической достоверности повествование об агонии России в тисках диктатуры гендерного пролетариата и талмудического террора. И сегодня это не просто "рыдание о безвозвратно погибшей России", в точности по пророчеству Василия Розанова, сделанному в его литературной исповеди "Опавшие листья" (1912):

Сегодня, сто лет спустя, прямо на наших глазах, вавилонскими каббалистическими сатанистами обгладывается уже вся планета, и мы почти не видим рыдающих или хотя бы трезво сознающих весь ужас происходящего. Что ж, самое время обратиться к классике и вспомнить о том, как это было в масштабах одной, отдельно взятой и отданной на разграбление и заклание страны...

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The Balance Sheet of Sovietism

New York, Duffield and company, 1922

148

RUSSIA UNDER THE SOVIET HEEL

In no land have revolutions ever been found pleasant. Forcible destruction of civil order
and political organizations inevitably leads to grave perturbances in the national organism. It
is an error to imagine that peoples who have become infected with the revolutionary disease
recover from it as easily as philosophers and politicians have written books which paved the
way for social cataclysms in various countries. Smooth are the theories but rough the events that form the substance of revolutionary upheavals.

Cromwell's epoch in England and 1793 in France have many bloody episodes on their records...

And yet how insignificant and paltry the deeds of the Convention do appear compared with the boundless despair pervading Russia of the present. The great French Revolution seems like a mere rehearsal, a children's masquerade, in the face of the crushing catastrophe, under the debris of which the Northern Giant lies buried.

Only those who have actually lived through the agony of the disaster, through all its manifold phases, the shameful wretchedness and vulgar misery of Communism, who, themselves, have lost their homes, their Motherland, and all they held sacred in their lives, only they who, themselves, have undergone the tortures of the Cheka, the base humiliation of cruel serfdom—only they are capable of grasping the full meaning, the hopeless aspect of an existence which is neither life nor death, but a slow process of dying.

150

The grim background of Russia's agony is Terror which penetrates all the pores and fibres of the nation, keeping it in a state of constant fear and depression. It is true that the first stage of red outrages has passed, when slaughtering was openly practiced in squares and market places, and when the corpses of victims were found lying around on street corners. At present, terror is no longer a public demonstration of cynical criminals against the peaceful population. It has assumed an organized and "orderly'' form. It is less obvious but just as ruthless as in those days of the past.

While in 1918, during the bright spring days of Bolshevism, Red Guard soldiers and drunken Kronstadt sailors, whom, incidentally, Kerensky called "The beauty and pride of the Russian revolution", on their own initiative, were plundering, raping and butchering the ''liberated people"—now the terroristic procedure is regulated by hundreds of decrees and elaborate instructions of the All-Russian Cheka to its agents scattered throughout the country. At present Terror is a closely devised plan, a carefully laid out system of murder combined with espionage and provocation. As Mrs. Snowden, the liberal British laborite, remarked when she got out of Soviet Russia:

What is the Cheka? Peters, one of the most sinister types of Bolshevik Jacobins gave the following definition of this slang word:

"The Cheka is the sentinel of the revolution," - says the Bolshevik paper The Red Sword.

Paraphrasing Kerensky's remark about the drunken sailors, Apfelbaum (Zinoviev) declared:

In other words, the Cheka is the machine of oppression, a terrible weapon which the Communists wield to keep the Russians in obeisance.

A Lettish Bolshevik, by the name of Latzis, who at one time was considered the guiding spirit of the Cheka, gave this instruction to his subordinates:

But these Lettish Robespierres of the Communist State indeed are merely tame sheep in comparison with a Dzerjinsky who is the grandmaster of the Cheka.

А.Д. Налогин, "Петерс Я., Дзержинский Ф., Лацис М.". 1986 г., холст, масло. 

An ex-convict of Polish descent, he rose to power which is even greater than that of Trotzky, because he justly enjoys the reputation of a man with a stony heart. In the whole range of human feelings, mercy is the one which he completely lacks. For him, Red Terror not only is "cold business", but to a greater extent perhaps, it is poesy in which he finds depraved delight.

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